The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who has died at the age of 84, was regarded as among the most significant occupants of that position in US history. Although countless second-in-commands were limited to minor or figurehead roles, Cheney wielded substantial influence during the presidency of George W Bush, to the point that he was often referred to as the "true president".
Bush objected to such a characterisation and stated the relationship was more nuanced. He observed that Cheney was courteous, always addressing him in public settings as Mr President, while he called him as Dick. Bush challenged even characterisations of their association as a partnership because it suggested that they were peers. Despite these denials, Cheney found the easygoing president malleable on a wide array of policy decisions.
The Aftermath of 9/11
Leading of a contingent of neo-cons that featured Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been taking part in a gathering at a educational institution in Florida. As Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, commanding the downing of any unidentified planes approaching the Capitol building.
Cheney stated the attacks altered his perspective, making him become intent on retribution. Together with other neo-cons, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a takeover of Afghanistan in an effort to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the armed intervention of Iraq, although there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Debated Policies
He voiced no apologies about the military campaign, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, nor about the enhanced interrogation of suspects captured after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was founded on inaccurate reports repeated by Cheney, was the right decision. "It represented the right thing to do at that time. I had faith back then and I believe it presently."
But even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the government's own special envoys to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I witnessed, at a minimum," he wrote later "true dereliction, carelessness, and unaccountability: in the worst case, falsehoods, ineptitude, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely accountable for the Iraq campaign. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for comparable steps. He had composed a memo outlining situations in which national priorities might be threatened (encompassing "access to crucial commodities, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "America should be positioned to take unilateral action when cooperative measures cannot be arranged," particularly referencing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush additionally had arrived in the Oval Office vaguely intent on implementing what his father had specifically avoided to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Subsequent to he had been sacked by the White House, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his intention of lowering America's engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush carried a private grievance against Saddam, convinced he had been involved in a scheme to kill his father, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore resented that one of the biggest establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his father's visage that each person had to tread upon.
Interrogation Methods
Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most outspoken advocating attacking Iraq, frequently referencing information documents that were either thin or entirely deceptive. He endorsed what the Bush government indirectly described as "advanced techniques", the application of interrogation method and torture.
Responding to a Senate document in 2014 that determined that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the harsh techniques, Cheney rejected the report as "full of crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to take steps and establish programmes to catch the bastards who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it was not repeated. That's exactly what they did and they merit a lot of recognition."
Public Persona
Cheney took pleasure in nicknames assigned to him by critics such as Darth Vader and the dark figure, and by the notion that he was a shadow power controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 publication about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Do I represent the evil genius in the background that remains unseen emerge from his domain? That is a effective way to work, in fact."
Business Interests
Controversy over his commercial relationships pursued him through his period as vice-president. Although he had limited background in corporate affairs but strong connections in security, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial oil and gas corporations, in 1995 as chair and top executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's VP candidate for the presidency. Debatably, during the military campaign, Halliburton was granted US contracts worth billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly earnings during his time at the firm increased from his $258,394 while defence secretary to $4.4m. When he departed in 2000 he had a compensation package valued at over $20m|twenty
